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I had just declared in the Reichstag that only dire necessity, only the struggle for existence, compelled Germany to march through Belgium, but that Germany was ready to make compensation for the wrong committed.

When I spoke I already had certain indications, but no absolute proof, on which to base a public accusation that Belgium had long before abandoned its neutrality in its relations with England.

Nevertheless, I took Germany's responsibilities towards neutral States so seriously that I spoke frankly on the wrong committed by Germany.

What was the British attitude on the same question? The day before my conversation with the British Ambassador, Sir Edward Grey had delivered his well-known speech in Parliament, wherein, while he did not state expressly that England would take part in the war, he left the matter in little doubt.

One needs only to read this speech through carefully to learn the reason of England's intervention in the war.

Amid all his beautiful phrases about England's honour and England's obligations we find it over and over again expressed that England's interests - its own interests - called for participation in war, for it was not in England's interests that a victorious, and therefore stronger, Germany should emerge from the war.

This old principle of England's policy - to take as the sole criterion of its actions its private interests regardless of right, reason, or considerations of humanity - is expressed in that speech of Gladstone's in on Belgian neutrality from which Sir Edward quoted.

Gladstone then declared that he was unable to subscribe to the doctrine that the simple fact of the existence of a guarantee is binding upon every party thereto, irrespective altogether of the particular position in which it may find itself at the time when the occasion for action on the guarantee arrives, and he referred to such English statesmen as Aberdeen and Palmerston as supporters of his views.

England drew the sword only because she believed her own interests demanded it. Just for Belgian neutrality she would never have entered the war.

That is what I meant when I told Sir E. Goschen, in that last interview when we sat down to talk the matter over privately man to man, that among the reasons which had impelled England into war the Belgian neutrality treaty had for her only the value of a scrap of paper.

I may have been a bit excited and aroused. Who would not have been at seeing the hopes and work of the whole period of my Chancellorship going for naught?

I recalled to the Ambassador my efforts for years to bring about an understanding between England and Germany, an understanding which, I reminded him, would have made a general European war impossible, and have absolutely guaranteed the peace of Europe.

Such understanding would have formed the basis on which we could have approached the United States as a third partner. But England had not taken up this plan, and through its entry into the war had destroyed forever the hope of its fulfilment.

Bethmann-Hollweg had made some plans in the event Britain came into the war and was involved closely in the plans to destabilise Britain's colonies, most notably the Hindu—German Conspiracy.

A tall, gaunt, sombre, well-trimmed aristocratic figure, Bethmann-Hollweg sought approval from a declaration of war. His civilian colleagues pleaded for him to register some febrile protest, but he was frequently outflanked by the military leaders, who played an increasingly important role in the direction of all German policy.

He supported the ethnic cleansing of Poles from the Polish Border Strip as well as Germanisation of Polish territories by settlement of German colonists.

Bethmann presented the Septemberprogramm , which was a survey of ideas from the Elite should Germany win the war.

Bethmann-Hollweg, with all credibility and power now lost, conspired over Falkenhayn's head with Paul von Hindenburg and Erich Ludendorff respectively commander-in-chief and chief of staff for the Eastern Front for an Eastern Offensive.

Over Bethmann-Hollweg's objections, Hindenburg and Ludendorff forced the adoption of unrestricted submarine warfare in March , adopted as a result of Henning von Holtzendorff 's memorandum.

Bethmann-Hollweg had been a reluctant participant and opposed it in cabinet. The US entered the war in April , perhaps the inevitability that they had wished to avoid.

Bethmann-Hollweg remained in office until July , when a Reichstag revolt resulted in the passage of the Social Democrat Matthias Erzberger 's Peace Resolution by an alliance of the Social Democratic, Progressive, and Centre Parties, which forced his resignation and replacement by a relatively unknown figure, Georg Michaelis.

During , German support for the war was increasingly challenged by strikes and political agitation. In October sailors in the German Imperial Navy mutinied when ordered to set sail for a final confrontation with the British Navy.

The Kiel Mutiny sparked off the November Revolution which brought the war to an end. Bethmann-Hollweg tried to persuade the Reichstag to opt to moderate for peace.

His plan to dominate European hegemony through Pan-Germanism in the east and Mitteleuropa in the west disintegrated at the Treaty of Brest-Litovsk.

It signalled a long-term development of racially expansive policies of Germanification that presaged the Second World War 20 years later.

Intellectual supporters of the policy in Berlin, Arnold Wahnschaffe — , undersecretary in the chancellery, and Arthur Zimmermann , were his closest and ablest colleagues.

Bethmann-Hollweg was directly responsible for devising the Flamenpolitik on the Western Front carried out in the Schlieffen Plan, yet this strategy's ultimate failure as a mode of occupation brought economic collapse and military defeat, as was clearly identified by the Bryce Report.

The Chancellor's justification lay in the refrain that Germany was fighting a war of national survival. Bethmann-Hollweg received prominent attention throughout the world in June , when he formally asked the Allied and the Associated Powers to place him on trial instead of the Kaiser.

He was often mentioned as among those who might be tried by Allies for political offences in connection with the origin of the war.

In , reports from Geneva said he was credited in diplomatic circles there as leading the monarchists for both the Hohenzollerns and the Habsburgs , the nucleus of which was said to be located in Switzerland.

The ex-Chancellor spent the short remainder of his life in retirement, writing his memoirs. A little after Christmas , he caught a cold, which developed into acute pneumonia from which he died on 1 January His wife had died in , and he had lost his eldest son in the war.

From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia. This article may be expanded with text translated from the corresponding article in German.

February Click [show] for important translation instructions. Machine translation like DeepL or Google Translate is a useful starting point for translations, but translators must revise errors as necessary and confirm that the translation is accurate, rather than simply copy-pasting machine-translated text into the English Wikipedia.

Do not translate text that appears unreliable or low-quality. If possible, verify the text with references provided in the foreign-language article.

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A model attribution edit summary Content in this edit is translated from the existing German Wikipedia article at [[:de:]]; see its history for attribution.

For more guidance, see Wikipedia:Translation. I Toronto, 3 January Casemate Publishers. Retrieved 30 July First World War.

Retrieved 25 July Encyclopedia Americana. Boudewijn bleek echter een succesvol bestuurder. Hij wist de invallen van de Vikingen te stoppen en bouwde daarvoor versterkingen in Arras , Gent en Brugge.

In Brugge bouwde hij een kerk die aan Donatianus van Reims werd gewijd en gaf relieken van de heilige aan de kerk. In Veurne stichtte hij een Benedictijner klooster, waaraan hij relieken van heilige Walburgis schonk.

In werd zijn bezit uitgebreid en was hij heer van geheel Vlaanderen en Ternois. Hetzelfde jaar werd hij lekenabt van de Sint-Pietersabdij in Gent.

In steunde hij Lodewijk de Stamelaar bij de opvolging van Karel de Kale. Gunhilda, gehuwd in met Wilfred I el Velloso , graaf van Urgel en Barcelona , wordt ook vaak als dochter van Boudewijn en Judith genoemd, maar dit is gebaseerd op een verkeerde interpretatie van een middeleeuwse tekst.

Zij was afkomstig uit de omgeving van Barcelona. Uit Wikipedia, de vrije encyclopedie. Boudewijn I. Pertz ed. Bethmann ed. Balduinus autem Ferreus Balduino Ferreo.

Deze bijnaam dateert uit de 11e eeuw : D. Nicholas , Medieval Flanders , Londen, , p. At illi iuxta illut: Si quis viduam in uxorem furatus fuerit, anatema sit, Balduinum et Iudith excommunicaverunt.

Nicolaus autem misericordia motus, misit 30 legatos suos, Radoaldum scilicet Portuensem episcopum et Iohannem Ficodensem episcopum, Suessionis ad Karolum; quos aliquamdiu secum retinuit, et concessa Balduino indulgentia, pro cuius obtentu venerant, cum epistolis ad apostolicam sedem redire muneratos absolvit.

Ex comitibus vero, aut Teudericus, aut Balduinus Verborgen categorie: Wikipedia:Lokale afbeelding gelijk aan Wikidata. Naamruimten Artikel Overleg.

Weergaven Lezen Bewerken Brontekst bewerken Geschiedenis. Gebruikersportaal Snelcursus Hulp en contact Donaties.

Links naar deze pagina Verwante wijzigingen Bestand uploaden Speciale pagina's Permanente koppeling Paginagegevens Deze pagina citeren Wikidata-item.

Wikimedia Commons. Graaf van Vlaanderen. Boudewijn II. Graaf van Saint-Pol. Bronnen Voor de revisie van het artikel in april is gebruikgemaakt van de Engels-, Frans- en Duitstalige versies van dit artikel in Wikipedia.

Voor de tekstuitbreiding op 7 juni werd volgende werk geraadpleegd: J. Verbruggen - R. Falter , , Opstand in Vlaanderen , Tielt, Schreiber ed.

Balduin I.

Bethmann-Hollweg was directly responsible for devising the Beste Spielothek in Fladnitzberg finden on the Western Front carried out in the Schlieffen Plan, yet this strategy's ultimate failure as a mode of occupation brought economic collapse and military defeat, as was clearly identified by the Bryce Report. List of chancellors. Bernhard von Bülow. Lapalingo Bonus Code Bestandskunden signalled a long-term development of racially expansive policies of Germanification that presaged the Second World War 20 years later. Naamruimten Artikel Overleg. Falter, Opstand in VlaanderenTielt,

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